Punjab farmers come to realize Hindutva
"The issues that farmers across the country have come to picket in Delhi under the leadership of the farmers of Punjab are absolutely economic but Hindutva doing politics on the basis of religion is frightened."
Senior journalist Arun Kumar Tripathi is analyzing why these elements are frightened, what they fear.
30 Nov 2020
It is not a coincidence that all the pro-government channels are calling the agitating of farmers as Khalistani.
Amit Malviya, the in-charge of BJP IT cell also wrote, `` What kind of farmer movement is this? Is Captain Amarinder Singh playing with fire? Is the Congress not able to understand that the politics of standing with extremist elements has completed its tenure?
"They are giving evidence of extremism to a mere peasant in the crowd saying what is the fear of fighting Modi when Indira Gandhi can be fought." Meanwhile, Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar is also accusing the Khalistani elements of entering this movement.
There is no doubt that this movement is against the dictatorial policies of the central government. Policies that have been formulated to be a cocktail of Hindutva and corporate interests.
It is the effort of the Central Government and the political parties associated with it that whoever opposes its policies should first be described as
anti-Amit Shah, then anti-Hindutva and
He is cautious that in any way, opposition to his policies should not be able to identify the corporate or anti-capitalism.
That is, Hindutva is working as a shield for the corporate world and these two elements together have created a new narrative of nationalism. They define farmers in their own way and they tell who is the real farmer and who is the broker and which movement is really in the interest of the nation and which is anti-national.
That is why this discussion is being spread rapidly, those people are few farmers, they are rich and rich people who eat and drink. They are brokers of mandis, they are exploiters of small farmers and laborers and they were still eating loot but they are raging if Modi ji stops his loot.
This is the same narrative that was also conducted during the time of demonetisation that the Prime Minister is taking out notes from the coffers of the rich and putting them in the pocket of the poor. That is why black money keepers are getting worried. But in the same narrative, the reverse text of the government's claim of bringing black money and doubling farmers' income is hidden.
But the peasant movement that arose from Punjab has challenged the Hindutva narrative of nationalism. That challenge has come at a time when the BJP is busy hoisting the flag of Hindutva from Kashmir to Northeast India and south to Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Then this challenge from a rich state like Punjab under the nose of Delhi punctures the narrative that Sikh is a cult designed to protect Hindus and they fully agree with the narrative of Hindutva. The Hindutva parakars choose their heroes from the Sikh community itself. The long-running political alliance between the BJP and the Akalis and the work of the Sangh spreading there reinforced this narrative.
Meanwhile, the Akali Dal has broken away from the central government over the alleged agricultural laws, that if the dictatorship of Hindutva is imposed more than a limit for corporate interests, there may be a revolt in its wider family. This rebellion is not going to stop with the CAA and NRC.
This dictatorship is being opposed by all the farmer leaders of Punjab involved in this movement. From Dr. Darshan Pal, President of the Indian Farmers Union and Joginder Singh Ugrahan, the leader of BKU's Ugrahan faction, all the leaders are saying that this bill has been brought without talking to the farmers.
This is an insult to the farmers. Laws like this are against democracy. The peasant movement is also a way to restore farmers' self-respect.
In the seventies and eighties, if the Congress party led the Sikhs of Punjab to the end of the Khalistan movement due to their wrong policies under the leadership of Indira Gandhi, then the BJP called its sabotage work in Ayodhya a carseva-like narrative of Hinduism to Sikhism. Tried to connect to.
However, the people of the Sangh Parivar were no less active in the 1984 riots. But today Hindutva is doing the same thing as Congress did under the leadership of Indira Gandhi due to its arrogant narratives and policies. The British gave a lot of instructions about the farmers of Punjab and especially the Sikhs.
He felt that this community, which is active in a particular geographical area, has become fearless and militant due to the persistence of all external attacks. He does not know duplicity. He is usually hardworking, cool-tempered and business-minded, but when he is molested or his self-respect is challenged, he stands up and does not back down until a decision is made.
An English official wrote that if there is a conversation with the Punjabis, either they are not promised anything and if they do, they should be given. Therefore, the rulers of Delhi will have to think how to communicate with this movement under the leadership of the farmers of Punjab.
It seems a strategic win for the Central Government that the farmers of Punjab are actively participating in this movement. They are thinking that the farmers of the rest of the country have come so deeply under the hypnosis of Hindutva that they will neither see the issue of farming nor the economy collapse in front of Ram Mandir and Love Jihad.
That is why all the Hindutva intellectuals of Uttar Pradesh are trying to prove that the people who come to protest at the gate of Delhi are not farmers, they are Congress party brokers. But this BJP's strategy is fatal to his rule and the narrative of Hindutva. If they try to isolate the people of Punjab as pimps and Khalistani in this way, they will have to bear the brunt of both their political and religious narratives.
Lying and betraying the people of Punjab has hit Delhi very hard before. Indira Gandhi had insulted the Akalis for giving them Chandigarh and at one time used Bhindranwale's aggression against them. As a result, the Anandpur Sahib resolution demanding the separation of Sikhs from Hindus, giving autonomy to Punjab and keeping only issues like defense, currency, foreign affairs and communication with the Center was passed. After that the separatist movement supported that proposal and the whole of Punjab remained turbulent. Saddened by this behavior of Indira Gandhi, Akali leaders Prakash Singh Baad and Gurcharan Singh Tohra used to say that we went to Delhi three times with a wedding procession but we were not given a bride (Chandigarh). Therefore, evidence of the danger of isolating and insulting Punjab by insulting and insulting it is available in history. The politics of Hindutva and corporate coalition is not so well known that she may have forgotten it, but she is trapped by passing laws that defraud farmers in times of an epidemic.
If she withdraws the law today, she loses the trust of the corporate and puts back the long preparation for agrarian reform. If the central government suppresses the farmers of Punjab who have been making a constructive agitation for three months in a calm and very sensible manner on this issue, then the Sikh Gurdwaras, the Akali Dal and the farmers are angry. This anger will also be against Hindutva. The resentment and agitation of the farmers of Punjab will lead to a revolt from the larger narrative of Hindutva.
Now it is up to the farmers of the rest of the country to decide whether to accept every law and order made in the interest of the corporate by going along with the politics of Hindutva or by following the path being created by the farmers of Punjab.
Develop new politics. Certainly the narrative of Hindutva is still very powerful. He is taking the whole country in his arms. But rebellions like Punjab are also taking place within which there is a possibility of taking a new form. A stream of socialist and leftist politics believes that this process of globalization and liberalization going on in conjunction with majoritarianism cannot be stopped by raising cultural issues. To stop it, the movement of farmers and workers will have to be raised and from there new politics will develop. The Punjab farmers' movement has included national coordination of people's movements, from All India Kisan Sabha, Swaraj India and other progressive and secular organizations across the country. They are giving a new character to this movement. If this movement is successful in conquering social and economic issues, then the politics of the country will get a new direction.
If this movement is defeated and suppressed and defeated then there are dangers of its entry into Sikhism.
(The author is a senior freelance journalist and analyst. Views are personal.)